{"id":658,"date":"2017-01-18T21:38:57","date_gmt":"2017-01-18T21:38:57","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/?page_id=658"},"modified":"2025-05-19T14:46:13","modified_gmt":"2025-05-19T14:46:13","slug":"respectful-treatment","status":"publish","type":"page","link":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/respectful-treatment\/","title":{"rendered":"Respectful Treatment"},"content":{"rendered":"

Traditional Javanese concepts of statecraft hold that a good and just king possesses extraordinary kakuwatan batin<\/em> (spiritual strength or potency) that should be channeled to the benefit of his entire kingdom. This concentration of spiritual strength should ensure that the kingdom will be internally stable and shielded from potentially disruptive elements, be they of this world or of the supernatural. Although contemporary Yogyakarta exists in a world the social, political, and economic realities of which are strikingly different from times past, such beliefs surrounding kingship have not been totally abandoned by turn-of-the-millennium Yogyanese. Especially among those individuals who choose to actively participate in the institution of the palace, a strong charismatic attraction to the Sultan and the beliefs that define his position are still in currency.<\/p>\n

Physical objects service conceptions and perceptions of power and authority as manifest in the institution of Javanese kingship in interesting and reciprocal ways. At the same time they can be seen as visually and aurally projecting the power of the ruler who possesses them, and as being numinous objects themselves the possession of which bolsters the perceived power and legitimacy of a ruler. Very fine palace gamelans partake in this reciprocity and, as a result, become revered objects to individuals deeply versed in Javanese culture.<\/p>\n

To more fully appreciate why court gamelans are revered objects worthy of respectful treatment, four concepts need to be introduced and explained: the numinous transformation of gamelan making, kasekt\u00e8n, kagungan dalem<\/em>, and pusaka<\/em>.<\/p>\n

The numinous transformation<\/strong><\/p>\n

The craft of making bronze gamelans is a profession that is not only physically demanding and procedurally complex, but also fraught with spiritual challenges and dangers. It is work for the gongsmith,[1]<\/abbr> whose profession involves not only bellows, fire, hammers, and anvils, but also offerings and incantations to placate powerful spirits and the taking on of ritual names.[2]<\/abbr> The process of manufacturing bronze gamelan gongs and keys is viewed as a spiritually dangerous one. This is in part because it imitates in an accelerated time frame the workings of nature in general and of volcanoes in particular. It should come as no surprise that the Javanese have great respect for volcanoes; the very island on which they live and the life-giving fertility of its soil exist as a result of the collective activity over the eons of the numerous volcanoes \u2013 many of them still active \u2013 that run the length of Java. As feared as volcanoes are for their capricious and explosive temperament, the Javanese know that they are the source of the island’s life-giving nutrients. The parallel between the work of volcanoes (the Javanese term for volcano is gunung geni<\/em>, “fire mountain”) and that of the gongsmith is not lost on the Javanese \u2013 both take ore from deep within the sacred earth and transform it with fire into new and wondrous forms.[3]<\/abbr> Gongsmiths are viewed by their fellow Javanese as extraordinarily powerful individuals, both for the remarkable products of their labor and for their spiritual strength in handling the unseen powerful forces their work involves. As Judith Becker points out, it is “no wonder that the temporal, earthly rulers of Java have, since the beginning of history, laid claim to the most impressive of the products of the blacksmith.”[4]<\/abbr><\/p>\n

Gamelans are indisputably amongst the most impressive products of the smith, and many of the finest sets on the island have been made for or eventually come into the possession of Javanese rulers. For our task at hand it is important to understand that the impressiveness of a fine court gamelan emanates not only from its appearance, especially once its sounding elements (gongs and keys) are “dressed” in their gorgeously carved and painted casings, but also from the knowledge most Javanese would hold regarding the remarkable gamelan construction process and all the negotiations with numinous forces and sacred materials it entails.<\/p>\n

Kasekt\u00e8n<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Kasekt\u00e8n<\/em> means “spiritual power.” Becker explains that the Indic origin of this word, shakti<\/em>, has a further level of meaning in that this cosmic energy is personified as female. Also, it is deemed desirable for individuals in positions of power \u2013 usually males \u2013 to absorb female energies in order to achieve a state of completeness and balance (a unity of opposites personified as male and female).[5]<\/abbr> Becker goes on to explain that old palace gamelans are believed to embody this elaborated meaning of shakti<\/em>. Of the two large gong ageng<\/em> in such sets, the slightly larger one is thought of as female, the smaller male.[6]<\/abbr> Another vestige of this sense of energy unification can be found in the terminology used to describe the two basic forms of gong kettles found on instruments of the bonang<\/em> type. A kettle with a broad flat area between the base of its knob and its rim is labeled setr\u00e8n<\/em> (from setri<\/em>, female), while a kettle with a pronounced rise from its rim to a relatively small flat area at the base of its knob is referred to as jaler<\/em> (male). Some archaic gamelans have multiple single-row bonang<\/em>, half of which have all setr\u00e8n<\/em> kettles and the other half all jaler<\/em>.[7]<\/abbr> Other archaic gamelans and all common practice gamelans have bonang<\/em> with two parallel rows, the lower-register row nearest the player being comprised of setr\u00e8n<\/em> kettles, the higher-register row of jaler<\/em> kettles. The point worth taking from this is that Javanese who hold a more nuanced understanding of kasekt\u00e8n<\/em> as embodying both male and female energies will probably also possess an enriched appreciation of truly fine court gamelans as spiritually animated objects. Becker also points out that possession of such objects serves as a testament to the kasekt\u00e8n<\/em> of their owner.[8]<\/abbr><\/p>\n

Kagungan Dalem<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

The special and lofty position of the Sultan as the single most spiritually powerful individual in the traditional social order has clear ramifications in the way the palace community views and behaves around anything that is closely associated with him. The perceived kasekt\u00e8n<\/em> associated with the Sultan resonates in any object that is considered his possession. The label kagungan dalem<\/em> (property of the King\/Sultan), when attached to any object of importance in the palace (e.g., buildings, pavilions, sets of shadow puppets, manuscripts, and musical instruments), represents a belief that is taken seriously by the members of the palace community in particular, and by the Javanese public in general. Such objects require special treatment and respect when entered, handled, <\/strong>or used.<\/p>\n

All palace gamelans are considered kagungan dalem<\/em> and thus are afforded gestures of reverence by the members of the palace community, the only individuals to come into regular contact with such objects. To them, kagungan dalem<\/em> are not simply objects owned by the Sultan, but are extensions of the Sultan’s being. One must behave around these objects in ways that reflect one’s own humble position vis-\u00e0-vis that of the Sultan himself.<\/p>\n

Perhaps the most obvious sign of respect shown to all kagungan dalem<\/em>, gamelans included, is the salute-like sembah<\/em>, a gesture of obeisance shown to an individual of higher social status. Sembah<\/em> is executed by pressing one’s palms together, thumbs approaching the nose, while bowing the head slightly. Each time palace musicians seat themselves at instruments, as well as when they leave those positions, they will execute a brisk sembah<\/em>. The reason they do so is because the kasekt\u00e8n<\/em> of the Sultan is felt to permeate those objects, such as gamelans, that are emblematic of his high position and spiritual potency. In other contexts, outside of the palace and not involving the use of kagungan dalem<\/em> gamelans, the same palace musicians do not perform sembah<\/em> to the instruments.[9]<\/abbr><\/p>\n

Other more subtle forms of respect practiced toward kagungan dalem<\/em> gamelans are revealed in the behavior of palace musicians and community members alike. If we think of a palace gamelan as an extension of the Sultan, it is easier to understand why musicians and palace servants comport themselves in predictable ways around it. As part of respectful behavior around anyone of higher social status, a Javanese will always seek to keep his head lower than that of his superior and avoid coming in contact with or stepping over any part of the body of a revered individual. When palace musicians are entering, moving within, or leaving the space occupied by a kagungan dalem<\/em> gamelan, they laku dhodhok<\/em> (walk in a squatting position) or walk with a deeply-bent attitude, sit sila<\/em> (cross-legged) on the floor, and never step over or lean against an instrument. One simply behaves around these respected objects like they would around the Sultan himself. As with the habit of performing sembah<\/em>, it is not uncommon outside the palace to see musicians walking through a gamelan fully upright, or stepping over or resting against instruments. It is because there exists no association between those objects and a spiritually powerful individual such as the Sultan that makes such behavior acceptable in those contexts.<\/p>\n

If members of the palace community know nothing else about a particular palace gamelan they know that it is kagungan dalem<\/em> and, therefore, warrants the basic respect that all such objects command. A few palace gamelans are further distinguished as being especially deserving of reverence by being labeled pusaka<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Pusaka<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Certain artifacts are believed by the Javanese to be sacred and to have magical power or mystical influence due to their origin, age, past ownership, or participation in an historical event. These artifacts, called pusaka<\/em>, can be in the possession of kings, noblemen, <\/strong>and commoners. They come in many forms, perhaps the most common being hand weapons such as keris<\/em> (daggers) and tumbak<\/em> (lances). But cannons, flags, carriages, manuscripts, ceremonial objects, clothing, shadow puppets, individual musical instruments, and complete gamelans may also be pusaka<\/em>. In general, pusaka<\/em> are revered objects of inheritance from within one’s family, are treated with the greatest respect,<\/strong> and are given proper names. They are believed to be sekti<\/em> (to have magical power) and to possess the potential to exert influence, of either a positive or negative nature, on their owner or the world at large.<\/p>\n

Pusaka<\/em> play a major role in the perception of a ruler’s potency. In order to be a king, one must possess a storehouse of such spiritually charged objects to serve as a sort of measurement of one’s wealth of power. Additionally, it is believed that only an individual with great spiritual potency, achieved through forms of ascetic exercise such as fasting and going without sleep,[10]<\/abbr> can both control the mystical energy of a storehouse of pusaka<\/em> and channel that energy to the benefit of oneself and, in the case of a king, the benefit of the state. Only a cosmologically valid king is felt capable of handling such a concentration of power.<\/p>\n

While not all the gamelans in the Kraton Yogyakarta are considered to be pusaka<\/em>, several archaic sets and a few common practice ones are. When I interviewed R.W. Mulyasaputra in 1982, the keeper of the palace gamelans at that time, he listed seven of the palace’s twenty gamelans as pusaka<\/em>: the gamelan monggang <\/em>K. K. Gunturlaut; the gamelan kodhok ngor\u00e8k <\/em>K. K. Ma\u00e9saganggang; the two gamelan sekati <\/em>K. K. Gunturmadu and K. K. Nagawilaga; the p\u00e9log <\/em>gamelan K. K. Guntursari; the gamelan sl\u00e9ndro <\/em>K. K. Surak, and the gamelan p\u00e9log <\/em>K. K. Kancilbelik. Most other individuals I have conversed with and sources that I have consulted over the past forty years concur with this list.<\/p>\n

In addition to the gestural signs of respect mentioned above (sembah<\/em> and laku dhodhok<\/em>), offerings are regularly presented to palace gamelans when they are moved, performed on for a ceremony, and, for the most important pusaka<\/em> gamelans, even when they are in storage. These offerings (sajen<\/em>) are in\u00a0the forms of\u00a0\u00a0burning incense (menyan<\/em><\/a>), flower petals (kembang bor\u00e8h<\/em><\/a>) and food (dhahar<\/em><\/a>). It is generally to the gong ageng<\/em> of a gamelan that the sajen<\/em> is presented, and\u00a0it is through such offerings that the numinous force believed to reside in these extraordinary objects is addressed and honored.<\/p>\n

\"people<\/a>
Offerings (sajen<\/em>) in the forms of burning incense, food and flower petals presented to the two gong ageng<\/em> of the gamelan sekati<\/em> K.K. Gunturmadu as the set is being performed in Bangsal Ponconiti for the opening of Sekat\u00e8n on December 21, 1982.<\/figcaption><\/figure>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Traditional Javanese concepts of statecraft hold that a good and just king possesses extraordinary kakuwatan batin (spiritual strength or potency) that should be channeled to the benefit of his entire kingdom. This concentration of spiritual strength should ensure that the kingdom will be internally stable and shielded from potentially disruptive elements, be they of this … Continue reading “Respectful Treatment”<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":0,"parent":0,"menu_order":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","template":"","meta":{"footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-658","page","type-page","status-publish","hentry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/658","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/page"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=658"}],"version-history":[{"count":20,"href":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/658\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2882,"href":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/pages\/658\/revisions\/2882"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/vetter.sites.grinnell.edu\/gamelan\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=658"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}